The Void Left by Q: How the Biolab Narrative Gained Momentum
By 2021, the enigmatic figure “Q” had largely retreated from the digital limelight, leaving a void in the conspiracy theory ecosystem. Q had primarily operated on platforms like 4chan, 8chan, and later 8kun, which served as the primary channels for Q drops and the propagation of QAnon’s cryptic messages. However, with Q’s absence, influential conspiracy theorists—many of whom were prominent Anons—began to rise and fill the gap across various digital spaces.
Unlike Q, who was confined to specific fringe platforms, these conspiracy influencers expanded their reach by building multiplatform infrastructures. They didn’t just create isolated channels; they developed entire ecosystems spanning Telegram, TruthSocial, Odysee, and other platforms. The invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sparked a demand for new explanations, and these influencers stepped in to satisfy this demand by merging familiar QAnon themes with pro-Kremlin rhetoric.
Jacob Creech, also known as War Clandestine, was one of these key influencers. As a former Anon, Creech had a deep understanding of QAnon’s complex narratives, which he adeptly combined with pro-Kremlin disinformation. Creech’s claims that U.S.-funded biolabs in Ukraine were engaged in biological weapons production provided a convenient justification for Russia’s military actions. By blending QAnon’s distrust of Western elites with Kremlin narratives, Creech quickly established himself as a leading conspiracy influencer within these digital spaces.
As he continued to post, Creech increasingly radicalized his content to maintain and grow his audience. He began linking the biolabs narrative to Russia’s so-called “denazification” efforts in Ukraine, further entrenching the pro-Kremlin slant of his messaging. Creech also started to draw more heavily on Russian state media, such as RT and Sputnik, as sources for his claims. He engaged in typical Anon-style open-source intelligence gathering, though his method often involved decontextualizing past media coverage to fit his narrative. This strategic use of disinformation not only reinforced the Kremlin’s agenda but also solidified Creech’s status within the conspiracy community as a go-to source for the latest “insights” on the Ukraine conflict.
This shift from Q’s original messaging to a new, Kremlin-aligned narrative was significant. It demonstrated the adaptability of conspiracy influencers who, in the absence of Q, could reformulate and repurpose established conspiracy theories to suit the geopolitical context. The biolab narrative’s flexibility allowed it to resonate across diverse audiences, ensuring its relevance and continued spread in online communities.
Amplifiers of Disinformation: Tucker Carlson, Kremlin Tactics, and the Biolab Conspiracy
The biolab narrative didn’t just spread on its own; it was actively amplified by a network of conspiracy influencers and mainstream media figures, most notably Tucker Carlson. Social Network Analysis (SNA) of approximately 63,000 shared messages on Telegram shows how these influencers were pivotal in spreading the narrative. The data, collected using snowball sampling techniques, reveals the intricate web of connections that facilitated the narrative’s viral dissemination.
This SNA is based on an extensive dataset of 90,000 messages and 63,000 shared messages, obtained by extracting data from Telegram’s API. The analysis reveals the most shared accounts within each language cluster: the green cluster represents French-speaking influencers, the orange cluster highlights German-speaking actors, and the pink cluster identifies Italian-speaking participants.
Carlson’s involvement was a turning point. By covering the biolab conspiracy on Fox News, Carlson lent a degree of legitimacy to the claims, which in turn created a feedback loop: as Carlson’s coverage spread, conspiracy influencers were emboldened to share and create even more content around the biolab narrative. This mutual reinforcement between mainstream media and fringe influencers significantly boosted the narrative’s visibility and credibility.
This graph illustrates the daily posting frequencies of biolab-related messages from February 21 to April 4, 2022, divided into original and shared messages. A significant peak occurred on March 9, 2022, coinciding with Tucker Carlson’s coverage of the biolab conspiracy on Fox News. This spike reflects the surge in content sharing following Carlson’s segment, demonstrating how mainstream media can amplify fringe conspiracy theories. The data also highlights the dominance of shared messages over original ones, emphasizing the role of content amplification in spreading the narrative.
As the narrative gained traction, the Kremlin took notice. In a highly significant move, the Russian Ministry of Defense published an English-language diagram that explicitly linked the alleged biolabs to figures like Hunter Biden, DNC members, and George Soros. This was the first time Kremlin propaganda had been directly influenced by a narrative rooted in QAnon and spread by former Anons like Creech. The Kremlin’s adoption of the biolab conspiracy as part of its official rhetoric demonstrated the narrative’s power and the influence that conspiracy theorists could wield in shaping state-sponsored disinformation.
The diagram, titled “US coordination of biological laboratories and research institutes in Ukraine,” was posted on March 31, 2022, on the website of the Russian Ministry of Defense. It visually links various U.S. government agencies, private entities, and prominent figures, such as Hunter Biden, to Ukrainian biological laboratories and research centers. The diagram suggests a coordinated effort involving U.S. governmental and non-governmental organizations in managing biological research in Ukraine, with a clear implication of nefarious intent.
However, despite the Kremlin’s efforts to target conspiracy influencers, the results show that the most critical aspect of the biolab narrative’s spread was not the Kremlin’s intervention but rather the “in-house” disinformation that took root within Western media. Tucker Carlson’s coverage exemplified this, as his segments on Fox News brought mainstream legitimacy to the conspiracy, driving further engagement and amplification among conspiracy communities. This case highlights how internal disinformation within Western media environments can be just as, if not more, influential than external state-sponsored efforts.
Moreover, Carlson’s coverage not only validated the conspiracy but also indirectly paved the way for conspiracy influencers to amplify and produce content that sought scientific legitimacy by referencing Russian officials’ declarations on television or at the UN stage. These influencers became increasingly hooked on Kremlin propaganda, consistently amplifying any geopolitical efforts made by Russia, particularly in international forums like the United Nations.
The collaboration between fringe conspiracy influencers, mainstream media, and state actors underscores the complexity of modern disinformation. What started as a fringe theory propagated by former Anons had now been co-opted by the Kremlin, turning it into a potent tool for geopolitical influence. This alignment between conspiracy influencers and Kremlin propaganda highlights the intricate and symbiotic relationship that has developed, where each side benefits from the other’s actions, further solidifying disinformation in both digital and geopolitical arenas.
Crossing Transatlantic Borders: The Biolab Narrative’s Adaptation and Amplification in Europe
The biolab narrative didn’t remain confined to English-speaking circles; it was eagerly adopted by European conspiracy influencers who adapted it to fit their local political contexts. In France, Italy, and Germany, these influencers—many of whom were influential Anons—incorporated the biolab conspiracy into broader anti-globalist and anti-Western narratives. This process involved more than just accepting the narrative; it required actively reshaping it to resonate with local audiences.
In France, the prominent conspiracy group Les DéQodeurs embedded the biolab narrative within their critiques of globalism and the European Union. They linked the biolab claims to ongoing concerns about American imperialism and EU overreach, which helped them engage a large audience across francophone communities. Les DéQodeurs also tied the narrative to domestic politics, connecting it to President Macron’s remarks about not ruling out sending troops to Ukraine. They suggested that Macron’s stance was linked to the biolab conspiracy, further entrenching the narrative within their discourse. Their live streams and well-produced content played a significant role in spreading the biolab narrative, making them one of the most influential voices in French digital spaces.
Meanwhile, in Italy, the nationalist conspiracy channel Lacrunadellago used the biolab narrative to bolster its anti-globalist and pro-sovereignty message. By portraying Putin and Trump as defenders of national sovereignty against a corrupt Western elite, Lacrunadellago successfully connected the biolab conspiracy to Italy’s historical and political concerns. Their multiplatform strategy ensured that the narrative reached a broad audience, resonating particularly well with nationalist communities in Italy.
However, not all pro-Kremlin influence operations were equally successful. An analysis of messages containing “doppelgänger domains,” which are linked to Russian information warfare operations, reveals that these domains were not widely adopted by conspiracy influencers. This suggests that while influencers were eager to embrace some Kremlin-aligned narratives, they were selective, focusing on content that aligned with their audience’s existing fears and interests. The biolab narrative, with its ties to COVID-19 and corruption, was particularly successful because it fit within broader conspiracy frameworks already familiar to these audiences.
This chart illustrates the proportion of pro-Kremlin domains shared per month on TruthSocial, based on a dataset of 240 million messages. The analysis tracked the presence and sharing patterns of specific pro-Kremlin domains over time. Notably, even the most shared domains, such as “southfront.org” (yellow) and “dcweekly.org” (orange), before their recent closure by the Department of Justice, were not widely distributed, indicating that content from these websites did not achieve significant virality within conspiracy communities. Despite the presence of multiple Kremlin-aligned domains, their relatively low level of sharing underscores the selective adoption of content that seamlessly integrates into the broader conspiracy frameworks prevalent within these communities. The same pattern is observed across other platforms like Telegram and Odysee.
To gain deeper insights into how the biolab narrative was received and adapted, a BERTopic analysis was conducted on 483 live streams produced by Les DéQodeurs. BERTopic, a machine learning tool, dynamically extracts topics from large textual datasets, making it ideal for tracking how narratives evolve over time. The analysis revealed a significant increase in discussions about Putin and Ukraine following the invasion, indicating a shift in narrative focus to current geopolitical events.
This chart represents the results of topic modeling performed on 483 transcribed livestreams, collected and transcribed using Whisper, with narratives extracted and modeled over time using BERTopic. The analysis shows that discussions on Russia, represented by Topic 8, significantly increased after the invasion of Ukraine, highlighting the influencers’ shift in focus and the subsequent surge in content production to meet the demand for new narratives related to the conflict.
The BERTopic model showed that Les DéQodeurs were able to integrate the biolab narrative into their pre-existing concerns about COVID-19 and globalism, maintaining thematic coherence while adapting to new developments. This adaptability was crucial for keeping their audience engaged and reinforcing pro-Kremlin narratives within their broader conspiracy discourse. For example, as discussions around the biolab narrative grew, so did connections to broader geopolitical concerns, such as Macron’s remarks about Ukraine, which Les DéQodeurs used to further validate their claims.
The success of the biolab narrative among European conspiracy influencers highlights the symbiotic relationship between content production and social capital. Influencers like Les DéQodeurs and Lacrunadellago must continually produce content that resonates with their audience’s fears and concerns, particularly around polarizing events like the invasion of Ukraine. The more these influencers can tie their narratives to current events, the more social capital they gain, reinforcing their authority within their communities.
For Les DéQodeurs, their expertise in COVID-19 conspiracies allowed them to seamlessly integrate the biolab narrative, keeping their content relevant and engaging. Similarly, Lacrunadellago’s focus on economic and nationalist rhetoric made the biolab story a natural fit for their content strategy, enabling them to maintain and even grow their influence in Italian digital spaces. This continuous adaptation of conspiracy narratives to align with current events ensures that these influencers remain influential, even as geopolitical realities evolve.
Conclusion
The formation, amplification, and reception of the biolab narrative demonstrate the powerful intersection of conspiracy influencers, mainstream media, and state-backed disinformation. What began as a fringe conspiracy theory within QAnon circles rapidly evolved into a geopolitical tool, co-opted by the Kremlin and spread by influential Anons like Jacob Creech. The involvement of figures like Tucker Carlson and the Russian Ministry of Defence further legitimized the narrative, creating a feedback loop that ensured its widespread dissemination across digital platforms.
However, despite the Kremlin’s efforts to target conspiracy influencers, the most critical element in the spread of the biolab narrative was ‘in-house’ disinformation within Western media, as evidenced by Tucker Carlson’s role in mainstreaming the conspiracy. This case highlights the significant impact that internal disinformation can have, often surpassing the influence of external state-sponsored efforts. The role of mainstream media in legitimizing and amplifying fringe conspiracy theories underscores the complexity of modern disinformation ecosystems, where the boundaries between fringe and mainstream, domestic and foreign, are increasingly blurred.
European conspiracy influencers, such as Les DéQodeurs and Lacrunadellago, played a critical role in adapting the biolab narrative to local political contexts, using it to engage and radicalize their audiences. The use of advanced analytical techniques like BERTopic and Social Network Analysis provides crucial insights into how these narratives evolve and adapt, highlighting the symbiotic relationship between content production and social capital in the digital age.
As the biolab narrative continues to influence discussions in conspiracy circles and beyond, it serves as a potent example of how fringe theories can be transformed into tools of state-backed propaganda, with significant implications for global information ecosystems.
Dusan Bozalka is a PhD candidate in Information Science at the Centre d’Analyse et de Recherche Interdisciplinaire sur l’Étude des Médias (CARISM) at Université Paris-Panthéon-Assas, as well as the Institute of Strategic Research at the École Militaire (IRSEM). His research focuses on the dissemination of strategic conspiracy narratives by QAnon influencers in English, French, German, and Italian digital spaces. Additionally, his work explores how these influencers engage with and amplify Russian disinformation narratives to their audiences. He employs a mixed computational approach, combining strategic communication concepts with sociological analysis of multiplatform social networks.
Image made by John Chrobak using “Tucker Carlson” by Gage Skidmore licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0; “Biolab Jandira” by Yasmim 2603 licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0; “UA anti-air battalion of 30th bgd 04” by Mil.gov.ua licensed under CC BY 4.0; “Slavi21” by Messir licensed under CC BY 4.0; “Telegram app icon on smartphone screen (perspective render)” by Yuri Samoilov licensed under CC BY 2.0.
